Friday, 23 August 2013

Anonymous posters and the new Defamation Act – the draft regulations

Section 5 of the Defamation Act 2013 provides (or will do when the Act comes into force) a complete defence from a defamation claim for a website operator who can show that it did not post the statement on the website.  This is a significant new protection for website operators.

However the defence is significantly watered down for anonymous posts.  It is defeated if the claimant can show:
1. That it was not possible for the claimant to identify the person who posted the statement
2. The claimant gave the website operator a notice of complaint containing various specified information; and
3. The website operator failed to respond to the notice of complaint in accordance with regulations to be made under secondary legislation.
A recurrent complaint during the passage of the Bill through Parliament was that Parliamentarians were unable to assess properly the Section 5 defence because the regulations were not available in draft for Parliament to consider.

In June 2012 the government circulated a note to the Commons Bill Committee indicating its then thinking about the regulations.  Since then two rounds of consultation on draft regulations and guidance documents have taken place with a limited group of stakeholders.  (Hat-tip to INFORRM and Ashley Hurst, who have documented both phases of the consultation.) 
Since the government will at some point lay draft regulations before Parliament, this is a good point at which to review the currently circulating draft regulations (which may yet change) and take a stab at predicting their practical consequences. 

Preliminary

The effect of Section 5 for an anonymous post is that the website operator may still have a complete defence under Section 5, but only if it successfully negotiates the procedural hoops set out in the regulations.  The end point in some scenarios will require the website operator to remove the posting if it is to be able to rely on the defence. 

Although the regulations are littered with references to what a website operator ‘must’ do, they do not in fact oblige a website operator to do anything.  They only set out the conditions that a website operator has to satisfy in order to be able to make use of the Section 5 defence for an anonymous post.    

The Section 5 defence is additional to existing defences under S1 Defamation Act 1996 and the ECommerce Directive.  They are unaffected by the new Act and regulations.

Defamatory or unlawful?

The draft regulations are a mixed bag.  On the good side, the government has kept to its promise in Parliamentary debates on the Bill that complainants would have to do more in their notice of complaint than merely assert that the posted statement was defamatory.  The complainant will have to set out the meaning which the complainant attributes to the statement and also set out the aspects of the statement which the complainant believes are factually inaccurate or opinions not supported by fact.

This goes some way to meeting the recommendation of the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights that the threshold for a complaint under Section 5 should, as under the ECommerce Directive hosting defence, be unlawfulness. 

This issue reflects the fact that a statement may be defamatory without being unlawful.  A statement is defamatory if it is damaging to someone’s reputation.  However if any one of numerous defences, such as truth, honest opinion, publication on matters of public interest and many others, is established, the statement is lawful. 

So a complaint that something is defamatory only addresses half the story and may encourage the taking down of lawful statements, with consequent chilling effects.  Requiring a complainant to consider possible defences of truth and honest opinion goes some way to ameliorating this.

Action by the poster – a black hole in the regulations
On the debit side the regulations are, perhaps inevitably, a veritable maze of different scenarios requiring different responses from the website operator.  The draft guidance note identifies no less than five different situations that can arise depending on the anonymous poster’s response (or lack of response) to a complaint forwarded by the website operator. 
However other scenarios are possible, which the regulations do not address.  Like a poorly designed IT system, the regulations tend to assume conforming behaviour by all the participants and make insufficient provision for exception handling, especially non-conformant behaviour by the poster whose statement is complained about.  In particular the regulations assume that any removal of the offending statement will be done by the website operator, not by the anonymous poster. 
One illustration is in the draft FAQ for website operators: “What should I do if I receive a Notice of Complaint and the posting has already been removed?”  The given answer is “It is unlikely that a complainant will send a Notice of Complaint in a situation where the posting has already been removed.  If such a situation does arise it will be necessary to follow the process in order to benefit from the section 5 defence.” 

Yet the first step in the prescribed process involves the operator notifying the poster that the statement complained of may be removed from the locations on the website specified in the notice of complaint.  Since in this scenario the statement has already been removed, the notification is meaningless.  Later steps in the process may require the operator to remove the statement from those locations – in this scenario, impossible to comply with. 
In a similar vein, there is a gap in the scenarios contemplated by the regulations for the response by the poster to the complaint notice forwarded by the website operator.  The five possibilities listed in the guidance notes are:

-         Poster fails to reply to website operator within the time limit

-         Poster replies within the time limit indicating that he or she wishes the statement complained of to be removed

-         Poster replies within the time limit but fails to provide the required information

-         Poster replies within the time limit indicating that he or she does not wish the statement complained of to be removed, and consenting to the operator sending his or her contact details to the complainant

-         Poster replies within the time limit indicating that he or she does not wish the statement complained of to be removed, provides contact details to the operator but refuses to consent to the operator sending them to the complainant
A sixth, and perhaps most realistic, response from a poster concerned about the complaint is for the poster to take the initiative on receiving notification from the website operator and remove the offending post (as happened in Tamiz v Google) or edit it.   Again the regulations make no provision for this.  As with the FAQ example above, for scenarios that culminate with an obligation on the operator to remove the statement, where the poster has already taken action that requirement would be impossible to comply with and the operator would apparently forfeit the Section 5 defence.  That is surely an absurd result.

Time limits and time zones
Some critical steps depend on the website operator having received a response from a poster ‘by midnight at the end of the date specified in the notification [from the website operator to the poster]’.  Since neither the website operator nor the poster, nor indeed the complainant, are necessarily based in the UK and may well be in other time zones, there is significant potential for confusion over time limits. 

The draft regulations make some concession to the rigidity of time limits in that the court is permitted in its discretion to treat action taken by the website operator as having been taken before expiry of the time limit.  However there appears to be no flexibility in relation to the 5 day time limit for the poster’s response.  The FAQ for posters makes this point starkly:

“Q. What happens if I’m on holiday and don’t realise the Notice of Complaint has been sent to me?

A.     The time period given for a response will still apply, and if you do not respond within that period the operator may remove the posting which has been complained about.”

Withholding complainant identity
The complainant is given the option not to consent to the website operator passing on the complainant’s name and contact details to the anonymous poster. 

While one can understand the rationale for allowing contact details to be withheld, to permit the complainant’s name to be withheld is very odd.  These regulations are about defamation, which concerns damage to someone’s reputation.  If the statement does not refer to an identifiable person, it is not defamatory.  So either it will be obvious from the statement complained of who has been putatively defamed (in which case it would be pointless for the complainant’s name to be withheld) or, if it is not obvious, then the poster will need to know who is complaining in order to assess whether the statement is defamatory. 

For litigation the Defamation Pre-Action Protocol requires a letter of claim to include (a) the name of the claimant and (b) where relevant, any facts or matters which make the claimant identifiable from the words complained of.

Predictions
Predictions about the practical effect of the anonymous posting aspects of Section 5 are not easy to make. 

Because of the enormous difference between protection for website operators (and only for website operators) in respect of anonymous and non-anonymous posts, there will be intense focus in future litigation on (a) what is and is not a website operator and (b) whether the post was anonymous – i.e. whether it was possible for the claimant to identify the person who posted the statement (defined in Section 5 as “only if the claimant has sufficient information to bring proceedings against the person”). 
The procedure under the draft regulations is so bureaucratic – not easily recognisable as the “quick, clear and practical” process promised in Commons Committee in June 2012 - that it is possible that website operators will ignore it and rely on other available defences.  Even then, however, Section 5 may have a side effect.  A valid complainant’s notice is much more likely than an informal defamation complaint to fix a hosting intermediary with knowledge of unlawfulness for the purpose of the ECommerce Directive defence.  So even if the Section 5 procedure is ignored, a website operator may have more incentive than previously to take a down an anonymous post on receipt of a valid Section 5 notice.

The new intermediary defence under Section 10 will also be significant, whereby a court does not have jurisdiction to hear and determine an action for defamation brought against a person who was not the author, editor or publisher of the statement complained of unless the court is satisfied that it is not reasonably practicable for an action to be brought against the author, editor or publisher.

Many intermediaries will not be an author, editor or publisher (under the special definitions in section 1 of the Defamation Act 1996).  For a website operator in relation to an anonymous post, there may be a question whether the claimant should have to attempt a Norwich Pharmacal application to determine identity in order to escape the prohibition in this section.  It is interesting to speculate on whether a website operator’s decision not to respond to a notice under Clause 5 would be held against it in the court’s evaluation of reasonable practicability.

Tuesday, 20 August 2013

Everyman encounters Government

A dialogue for our times.

Government: We know what’s best for you.
Everyman: I think I’m the best judge of that.

G: Ah, but we know things that you don’t.

E: What things?

G: Can’t tell you, they are secret.

E: So how can I tell whether you are right?

G: You need to trust us on that.

E: Why should I trust you?

G: Because we are fighting your enemies.

E: Who are my enemies?

G: Can’t tell you, you might warn them.

E:  You don’t trust me?

G: No-one is above suspicion.

E: Am I a suspect?

G: We never comment on operational matters. But if you have nothing to hide, you have nothing to fear.

E: What do you know about me?

G: We never comment on intelligence matters.

E: Can you be trusted?

G: We always act proportionately and in accordance with the law.

E: Show me.

G: Don’t be silly, that’s secret.

E: How do I know you don’t think I’m your enemy?

G: You don’t.  But if you carry on asking questions we might put you on a list.

E: On what grounds?

G: That would be telling. 

E: When would you do it?

G: If it was necessary in the interests of national security.

E: Is that legal?

G: We always act proportionately and in accordance with the law.

E: How can I be sure of that?

G: Trust us.  We know best.

 

Sunday, 18 August 2013

Fidel likes the Internet, but does that matter?

A recent story on Fidel Castro's 87th birthday calls him a "soldier of ideas on the Internet," who, according to his biographer and book editor, Katuiska White, surfs the Internet for "personality profiles, maps, monographs, data, anecdotes and recollection of events."

This took me back to the early Internet days, when the role of the Internet was being debated in Cuba. What was Fidel's view of the Internet?

One clue is his support of the formation of the Youth Computer Clubs (YCC), several of which had email and Usenet access in the pre-Internet days. This article recounts his financial and policy support of the clubs. As shown below, he expressed his envy of the young people at the dedication of the YCC headquarters, which occupied what had been the Sears store in Havana.

Fidel Castro dedicates the YCC headquarters
This post by Omar Pérez Salomón includes several other quotes and actions indicating that Fidel continued to favor education in computer science and the use of information technology (though perhaps not the Internet).

On the other hand, government leaders like Raúl Castro and Ramiro Valdés have warned of dangers the Internet poses.

Raúl Castro and Ramiro Valdés
The state of the Internet in Cuba today leads one to conclude that, whatever Fidel may say or believe, widespread access of the citizens to the Internet has not been a priority of the government.

Friday, 16 August 2013

Tata switches from satellite to cable and Fidel likes to surf the Web

Doug Madory of Renesys, an Internet monitoring company, has reported that Cable and Wireless is no longer carrying traffic between Jamaica and Cuba, Telefonica is carrying less traffic than previously, and Tata is carrying more. Furthermore, the Tata traffic has shifted from satellite to the high-speed undersea cable, as shown in these improved traceroute times from Miami:


As we see, around June 25, Tata traceroute times from Miami dropped from about 580 milliseconds to about 130 milliseconds, indicating a shift from satellite to the undersea cable. At the same time, Telefonica traffic from Miami stopped. (The central band at around 330 milliseconds indicates asymmetric traffic which is over cable one way and satellite the other).

You should check Doug's post -- it contains several other plots and links, including one to an article on Fidel's birthday that says he likes to surf the Net. This reminded me of his early recognition of the importance of information technology, expressed at the time of the opening of the Youth Computer Club headquarters in Havana in 1991.

The undersea cable has brought faster connectivity to Fidel and a few others, but without improved domestic infrastructure, service will remain poor or nonexistent for the majority of the population.

Wednesday, 7 August 2013

ALBA-1 undersea cable background documents

The ALBA-1 undersea cable was installed by a joint venture made up of Alcatel-Lucent Shanghai Bell (ASB) and Telecomunicaciones Gran Caribe (TGC). TGC is itself a joint venture between the Venezuelan and Cuban governments. It is 60% owned by state-run CVG Telecom (now Telecom Venezuela) and 40% by Cuban Transbit.

The landing points

Sketch of the terminal station
Wikileaks has a slide deck and four background documents on the proposal and contracts.

Slide deck

The slide deck, entitled "Cuba-Venezuela Submarine Project Benefits 2/2," is part of a sales pitch comparing the ASB proposal to a competing proposal from Huawei. They stress their position as a one-stop vendor with their own fleet, experienced people, and superior cable and repeaters.

The embargo is also an issue. ASB emphasizes freedom from embargo conflicts arising from US patents in the equipment Huawei proposes using. They also point out that a US company makes the power feed equipment used during cable laying and repair operations in the Huawei proposal.

(I could not find Part 1 of the presentation).

Background documents
Here is an excerpt from a summary of the documents written by Wikileaks founder Julian Assange:
Documents released by Wikileaks reveal that Cuba and Venezuela signed a confidential contract in 2006 to lay an undersea fibre-optic cable that bypasses the United States. The cable is to be completed by 2010.

The contract between the two countries, which has been independently verified, adds weight to Cuban statements that the United States economic embargo of the island has forced it to rely on slow and expensive satellite links for Internet connectivity. Cuba is situated a mere 120 kilometres off the coast of Florida. The proposed 1,500 kilometre cable will connect Cuba, Jamaica, Haiti and Trinidad to the rest of the world via La Guaira, Venezuela.

Carrying out the work are CVG Telecom (Corporación Venezolana de Guyana) and ETC (Empresa de Telecomunicaciones de Cuba).

The leaked documents have technical details and pictures of the cable, maps, and systems to be used, parties signing the agreement, terms and conditions, costs, and a schedule of charges and compromises. The connection allows for the transmission of data, video and voice (VoIP). According to the contract, the agreement is designed to build a relationship of "strategic value" which will permit Cuba and Venezuela to, among other matters:
  • Increase interchange between the two governments.
  • Foster science, cultural and social development.
  • Increase the volume and variety of relationships between country members of ALBA (Bolivarian Alternative for America) and the South American MERCOSUR trading block.
  • Help serve the increasing demand of commercial traffic between Cuba, Venezuela and the rest of the world.
The contract parties state that given the diversity of foreign affairs, they wish to build a new international order, multi-polar, based in sustainability, equity and common good and that an international cable with maximum security protected by international organizations (ITU/ICPC) is crucial.

The documents disclose plans to separate commercial traffic and governmental traffic upon data arrival.
Delay

We now know that the planned schedule shown below was overly optimistic.


The cable was not operational until 2013.  There has been speculation on the causes of the delay, but one cannot overlook finances as a contributing factor.  A subsequent Wikileak document on a meeting of financial officers from several Cuban embassies, including China, reveals frustration over Cuban debt.

The goals listed by Assange have not yet been achieved either.  Again, part of the explanation for that is financial -- the government cannot afford domestic infrastructure to complement the cable and foreign investors are not willing to come to Cuba.  One way to pursue the goals Assange lists would be to focus on key sectors like education and health care.